It was after midday on August 28, 1862 when the tired men in John Gibbon's brigade filed off of the Warrenton Turnpike into Pageland Lane. Slappingthe dust from their uniforms, the soldiers from Wisconsin and Indiana settled down in the shade for some well-deserved rest. The Westerners had been roused at four o'clock that morning, but, in typical infantry fashion, they had only marched about a mile before they found the road blocked by the division ahead. The remainder of the morning had been spent pretty much the same way, marching, fitfully along the Virginia turnpike through
Gainesville and on toward Centerville.
The immediate concern of the enlisted men was the consumption of what little food remained. They had been short of rations for days although the shortage was partially relieved while passing through Warrenton the previous evening.
Gibbon had sent staff officers ahead of the brigade with orders to obtain rations and pile them on the sidewalks of the town. The provisions were secured and put in position, but the brigade was ordered to continue the march before any food could be issued. The brigadier protested to his corps commander, General Irvin McDowell, but to no avail.
Gibbon thereupon ordered the boxes of hardtack loaded onto the caissons and limbers of the battery attached to the brigade. The last crumbs of this hardtack were issued on Pageland Lane.
While the enlisted men ate and gossiped and slept, the generals rode to the top of a neighboring hill to reconnoiter. Gibbon found McDowell,accompanied by a number of other officers, scanning the countryside with his field glass.
Attention was concentrated on large clouds of dust visible to the north and east. Thetopic of discussion was the possible whereabouts of Stonewall Jackson and the enemy thathad captured Manassas Junction on the night August 26th. Since then the Federal army hadbeen in pursuit of Jackson, but without success.1
As Gibbon returned to his brigade from the observation point, he was met by the colonels who commanded his four infantry regiments. The officers asked permission to butcher and cook a few of the cattle which were being driven along with the division. Gibbon tried to determine from his superiors how long the halt would last but could not get an answer. Acutely aware of his men's hunger, he ordered the cattle to be slaughtered and issued. But before the task could be completed, orders arrived for the division to return to the Warrenton Turnpike and continue the movement to Centerville. Men in the 7th Wisconsin and 19th Indiana received only uncooked meat so they chewed on the raw beef as they prepared to march.2
The brigade of John Hatch marched back to the turnpike and turned eastward toward Centerville where Jackson was rumored to be. Gibbon did not receive an order to follow Hatch, so he rode over to the pike where he found his division
commander, Rufus King. The general was eating a meal with the officers of Battery D, 1st Rhode Island Artillery when Gibbon inquired whether his brigade should follow Hatch. King, who was in extremely poor health and wore a heavy army greatcoat despite the heat, replied affirmatively. The brigade commander sent a staff officer back to bring up his regiments
while he remained and watched the progress of Hatch's brigade.
The 14th Brooklyn, distinctive in its red zouave trousers, passed in a skirmish formation over the high hill north of the turnpike. A small log farmhouse, abandoned by the family of John C. Brawner, was visible at the crest in a small grove of trees. An orchard of apple and peach trees extended southeast from the house toward an expanse of trees which stood on both sides of the turnpike. Little was visible along the road past the Brawner woods due to a slight hill beyond the trees. Before the New York regiment passed out of sight, a section of artillery fired a few rounds to the north and east from near the house, but provoked no response.3
As Hatch's regiments marched out of sight, Gibbon's infantrymen came marching up Pageland Lane. The leading regiment was the 6th Wisconsin, commanded by the graybearded Lysander Cutler. Col. Edgar O'Connor followed at the head of the 2nd Wisconsin, the only regiment in the brigade with combat experience. O'Connor was a West Pointer and it was rumored that he would soon wear the star of a brigadier general. O'Connor's veterans were followed by the 7th Wisconsin under Col. William W. Robinson who was seriously ill but refused to leave his regiment. The last infantry unit was the 19th Indiana, commanded by perhaps the tallest colonel in the Federal army, Solomon Meredith. The rear of the brigade was Gibbon's own Battery B, 4th United States Artillery under Captain Joseph B. Campbell.
Gibbon was proud of his brigade and rightly so. The command had originally been Rufus King's, but Gibbon was promoted to general rank in May of 1862 and took over the brigade when King assumed command of the division. Gibbon's men were denied an opportunity to fight with the Army of the Potomac in front of Richmond and spent the summer in and around Fredericksburg, Virginia. Gibbon tempered his Westerners' volunteer enthusiasm with some Regular Army discipline and led them on hard-marching reconnaissances against the Confederate rail lines in July and August. To emphasize the distinctive nature of his command-it was the only all-Western brigade in the Eastern
armies-Gibbon outfitted his men in the uniform of the Regular Army. The big, blackfelt hat and frock coat became the trademark of the brigade.
The 2nd Wisconsin was the senior unit in the command, having been the first three years' regiment to arrive in defense of Washington in 1861. Suffering from poor leadership, the regiment still performed creditably at Bull Run and lost over
ten percent of its numbers in that battle. In the reorganization after Bull Run, the regiment received a new set of field officers: Col. Edgar O'Connor from civilian life, Lt. Col. Lucius Fairchild from the Regular Army and Major Thomas Allen from the captaincy of Company I. The enlisted men boasted of their ability in battle to soldiers of the other regiments and eagerly awaited the chance to fight under their new commanders. That chance was now at hand. 4
Colonel O'Connor's regiment turned onto the Warrenton Pike about the time that the artillery attached to Hatch's brigade opened fire. The 6th Wisconsin led the brigade along the turnpike and through the Brawner woods as the
artillery fire intensified to the east. General Gibbon and his staff rode to a small knoll north of the road in time to observe an enemy battery going into position about 1,800 yards to the north. Gibbon sent an aide to bring up Battery B, then rode back to his troops. Captain Wilson Colwell and First Sergeant Gilbert M. Woodward were marching at the head of Company B which was at the head of the regiment when the rebel guns opened fire. Woodward recalled the first cannon shots: "The first one crashed through the neck of the horse ridden by one of Gibbon's staff. The horse fell dead and rolled down the north side of the pike so suddenly that Colwell and I had barely time to get out of the way. A number of other shots were fired, but went over and did no damage.5
O'Connor faced the regiment to the north, commanded the men to load their muskets and ordered the regiment to lie down behind the rail fence bordering the pike. Volunteers went forward and pulled the fence apart while Battery B galloped up the pike behind the regiment. Gibbon's battery went into position on the knoll where the general had first spotted the enemy and quickly drove off the rebel guns. But other Confederate cannon opened fire on the brigades of Abner Doubleday and Marsena Patrick which were following the Western brigade. In response to this new threat, Patrick moved his troops into the woods south along Pageland Lane while Doubleday's three small regiments double-quicked to the shelter of the Brawner woods.6
Doubleday and Gibbon held a hurried conversation and the latter proposed to drive off the second enemy battery with one of his infantry regiments. Gibbon rode forward into the Brawner woods while an aide rode off to bring up the 2nd
Wisconsin. Colonel O'Connor, who gave his commands through his adjutant due to a throat condition that affected his voice, ordered the regiment to fall in on the north side of the fence. It was just sunset when the 2nd Wisconsin marched in column along the east face of the woods, then cut through the northeast corner where Gibbon had discovered a wood
road. As they rode together at the head of the regiment, Gibbon gave his orders to the colonel. Since there was no indication of Confederate infantry, the regiment was to advance through the woods, form into line of battle, advance quietly on the unsupported battery and fire a volley by battalion. The men were to dash upon the confused cannoneers and capture the guns before they could be withdrawn. 7
The regiment double-quicked into the open field, deployed into line of battle and advanced toward the guns near the Brawner house. As the 2nd Wisconsin moved rapidly up the slope, rebel skirmishers suddenly opened fire from the crest on its right flank. Sergeant Woodward described the Wisconsin response: "A few scattering shots from Confederate skirmishers met us and our two companies-right and left-were at once deployed as skirmishers on a double-double-quick. The Confederate skirmishers fell back and we followed them until we were able to look over the edge of the plateau." 8
The Wisconsin skirmishers followed the rebels over the crest and drove them from a line of trees along a dry stream bed. To the north, regiment after regiment of Confederate infantry filed from the woods on Stony Ridge and formed for an
advance on the Union forces. Hopelessly outnumbered, the two Federal companies began to retreat after making a brief stand at the tree line. Behind them the remainder of the Wisconsin regiment was coming to their assistance: "Pressing up a gradual slope and over a ridge where our section of the line was confronted with a deep ravine, we received a volley from the enemy who, in our immediate vicinity, were crouching in the ravine, whereupon we were halted and commenced firing 'at will.' 9
The skirmishers rejoined the main line and a defiant cheer swept along the line of the Wisconsin regiment. The five Virginia regiments in the famous Stonewall Brigade marched forward to an old rail fence and, overlapping the Federals on
the left and right, opened a heavy fire on O'Connor's badly outnumbered regiment. The soldiers of the 2nd Wisconsin responded in a manner not previously encountered by Jackson's famous brigade. "The sight of this greatly superior force in their front and so close seemed to inspire the men of the 2nd with a frantic energy that enabled them to start and maintain a fire such as now seems to me almost impossible. I knew of men—and do not doubt there were many more—who emptied their cartridge boxes and kept up the work with cartridges taken from their dead and disabled comrades." 10
Help was coming, but it was precious minutes away. As soon as Gibbon heard the musketry, he sent the 19th Indiana to support the 2nd Wisconsin. As the intensity of the conflict increased, Gibbon sent Colonel Meredith's men up the hill to the
left of the Badgers. Colonel Robinson's 7th Wisconsin was ordered to march straight north through the woods to the right of the 2nd. Gibbon's adjutant carried the order for the 6th Wisconsin to advance, crying out, "They are being cut to pieces!' 11
The 19th Indiana raced up the hillside and went into position near the farmhouse, relieving the pressure on O'Connor's left flank. Meredith's Hoosiers fired at the Stonewall Brigade until two Confederate cannon, under Captain John Pelham,
opened fire on the Federal left. Two companies were immediately sent out as skirmishers and drove back the threat. Simultaneously, three Virginia regiments from Alexander Taliaferro's brigade prolonged the Confederate line and fought the Indiana regiment until the battle ceased. Doubleday's Rhode Island battery found a favorable position behind the
Hoosiers and anchored the left of the Federal line. 12
The 7th Wisconsin arrived on the right flank of O'Connor's regiment in time to repel a Confederate charge. One of General Richard S. Ewell's regiments, the 26th Georgia, marched into position behind the Stonewall Brigade and charged past the Virginians in an attempt to break the Wisconsin line. The men in the ranks of the 2nd Wisconsin rose up and delivered a deadly fire into the front of the advancing rebels while the 7th Wisconsin changed front to the left. Wheeling onto the exposed flank of the Georgia regiment, the Wisconsin men poured in a destructive enfilade fire. The Georgians, reduced to a few isolated squads, retreated to the fence with the Stonewall Brigade. A company commander in the 7th Wisconsin described the charge: "Our boys mowed their ranks like grass; but they closed up and came steadily on. But our fire was so terrible and certain that after having the colors in front of us shot down twice, they broke in confusion and left us in possession of the field." 13
The Wisconsin fighting men were unanimous in their description of the contest on the high ground. Lt. Nathaniel Rollins remembered that "the hill top, the valley and the wooded side of the hill beyond was one continuous sheet of
flame." On the firing line Sheldon Judson could never forget the "excitement and confusion of loading and blazing away into the dense smoke," "the loud cheers—'the battle cry'—on one's right and on his left that were but faintly heard between the rattle and bang of ordnance," or "the stern and determined work of those who were still biting and ramming, aiming and firing." Frank Haskell, one of Gibbon's officers, watched the musketry from a distance and wrote that "for nearly an hour and a half, until darkness came upon the earth, the little hill whereupon they stood was a roaring hell of fire." 14
Darkness did not put an end to the fighting—the men continued to shoot at the flashes of the enemy's muskets. The lack of sunlight was compounded by another factor: "The dense smoke from the battle soon caused the
darkness to become almost as thick as the bullets that were nipping through the air and through men and horses as well." The battle raged for an hour and a half, often at a range of less than a hundred yards. The farm boys compared the firing to the sound of hailstones on an empty barn while one Wisconsin officer described it in another manner: "The rattle of our musketry sounded all along the line, like a piece of canvas tearing in a storm." 15
On the right flank of the Federal line, the 6th Wisconsin battled with still more of Ewell's regiments. Favored by a position on lower ground, Colonel Cutler's men inflicted severe casualties on the rebels outlined against the night
sky. Battery B protected the right of the line with well-aimed blasts of shell and case shot "which made it seem as if the heavens was a furnace." After repeated pleas for help from Gibbon, General Doubleday sent the 76th New York and 56th Pennsylvania forward into the gap between the 7th and 6th Wisconsin regiments. There they engaged more
of Ewell's regiments, separated from the enemy by only a slight swell of the round. Doubleday's other regiments supported the exposed position of Battery B. 16
The Federal line held despite the heavy Confederate pressure on the center and both flanks, but this success was not without cost. Five of the six colonels were out of action. Command of the 6th Wisconsin fell upon Lt. Col. Edward S.
Bragg when Colonel Cutler was wounded severely in the leg. The colonel of the 56th Pennsylvania was wounded and four captains were down in the New York regiment. In the 7th Wisconsin all of the field officers were wounded—Colonel Robinson in the leg, Lieutenant Colonel Hamilton through both thighs and Major George Bill in the head. On the left flank, Colonel Meredith was crushed when his dying horse fell on him and broke a couple of his ribs. The major of the regiment, Isaac May, was shot from his horse with a mortal wound. 17
Losses in the 2nd Wisconsin were even worse. Colonel O'Connor was mortally wounded as described by one of the Wisconsin soldiers: "He stood by the regiment long after he was wounded, cheering the men by his voice and conduct, and when from exhaustion he was obliged to be carried to the field hospital, no less than seven men, the Major among the number, were wounded while conveying him thither. On the way to the hospital he received his death wound, while lying upon the ground, leaning upon his elbow in the act of taking a drink from a canteen." Lt. Col. Lucius Fairchild, with his sleeves rolled up and sword in hand, assumed command. He was assisted by Major Allen who stayed with the regiment despite wounds in the neck and wrist. 18
Some companies in the 2nd Wisconsin were nearly destroyed as fighting units. Company F, led by a captain who left a sick bed in an ambulance, went into the fight with thirty-eight effectives and lost twenty-six men, over sixty-eight percent.
The lieutenant commanding Company G reported a loss of forty-three out of fifty-one men engaged in the battle, or eighty-four percent. Captain Julius Randolph of Company H was killed and forty-one of the forty-six enlisted men were shot, nearly ninety percent. Companies that lost only half of their number were fortunate. As might be expected in such a desperate fight, every man in the color guard was dead or wounded, but the flag which had been carried at Bull Run was safe. 19
One of the wounded men recovered from the battlefield was John W. Raines of Company B who was hit in the thigh by a bullet. His father was a native Virginian who had moved to southwestern Wisconsin in 1840 and named his son after a
brother who had remained in Virginia and whose name was also John W. Raines. The uncle enlisted in a Virginia regiment and he and his nephew both fought at Bull Run without injury. But the Virginia regiment was a part of the Stonewall Brigade and the elder John W. Raines was also wounded on the evening of August 28th. The possibility was remote, but
here was a chance that one had wounded the other in the battle. 20
When the darkness, lack of ammunition and exhaustion brought an end to the fighting, Gibbon and Doubleday withdrew their regiments to the shelter of the Brawner woods. The withdrawal proceeded slowly, partly because there was no moon that night and partly because the men had to carefully watch where they stepped to avoid hurting the wounded and dying. When the line was finally established in the edge of the trees, the task of removing the wounded began in earnest. The musicians had put aside their instruments and manned the stretchers, but they were unable to keep pace with the number of wounded. Volunteer parties searched the battlefield until midnight, carrying the casualties back to the turnpike where the doctors worked at a feverish pace. 21
One officer who was on the field that night was Nathaniel Rollins who recorded his impression of the sights and sounds he encountered. "The scene no one can appreciate who has never seen a battlefield. From every quarter came the most pitiful groans and cries of distress. Up nearer the front where our Regt had stood I went and was here fired on several times by rebel pickets. The row of dead & wounded men marked the spot beyond mistake. . . . Oh! the soul sickening effect of witnessing such a battle and its results. Last night I would have left the service for I was sick at heart at the sights & sounds." 22
While the enlisted men labored to remove their friends from the bloody battlefield, the generals of the division held a council to determine a course of action. Gibbon was upset at the lack of support given his brigade by the remainder of
the division. He had spent the course of the battle on the important left flank and was not aware that Doubleday's regiments had become engaged. Calmed somewhat by the news of Doubleday's participation, Gibbon was still adamant in his insistence that the division could not hold the field the next day. Hatch, Doubleday and Patrick offered no plan of
action, so General King decided to abandon the battlefield and retreat to Manassas Junction in hopes of meeting reinforcements. The wounded who could be carried off in ambulances or wagons or who could move under their own power would be taken along. The dead and seriously wounded would have to be left behind. 23
About one o'clock in the morning of August 29th the few remaining noncoms roused their sleeping men, cautioning them in whispers to keep as quiet as possible. Ambulances of the division were emptied of the sick and lame and filled with
the wounded soldiers who were judged fit to make the trip to Manassas Junction. Gibbon's brigade led King's Division southward with the 6th Wisconsin at the head of the column. The pace was slow since the territory was unknown and had to be scouted by mounted staff officers. At the frequent halts most of the men would lie down in the road and drop off to sleep. One officer who served through the entire war remembered, "Many times since then I have been tired, footsore and weary, but I cannot recall one instance where the feeling of fatigue was so great as on this night's march from Gainesville." 24
The brigade reached the vicinity of Manassas Junction at about daylight and bivouacked. John Gibbon ordered his staff to search the ruined supply depot for food, then rode off to report the events of the preceding night to the army commander. Quantities of undamaged pork, hardtack and coffee were found and issued to the hungry troops. The ordnance wagons were brought up and the cartridge boxes were filled. A few unlucky men were posted as guards, a few others made coffee with the water from a nearby swamp, but most simply lay down and slept.
If anyone in Gibbon's brigade had been inclined to analyze the actions of the past day, he would have been proud and disheartened. Completely surprised by the sudden attack of Stonewall Jackson, Gibbon promptly advanced his brigade and engaged the enemy instead of waiting on the turnpike. This initiative allowed the 2nd Wisconsin to occupy the high ground east of the Brawner house where it presented an unyielding front. As the rest of the Federal regiments came successively into line, the Confederates could do little more than advance and open fire.
The attempts made to charge the Union position by Jackson's regiments were disastrously repulsed by the determined Federals. The 26th Georgia lost nearly eighty percent of its strength in the attack on the 2nd Wisconsin. A similar charge
by the 21st Georgia and 21st North Carolina on the 6th Wisconsin and Doubleday's two regiments was likewise crushed. The results were so decisive that it would later become known that the two Georgia regiments had suffered the greatest percentage of loss in the Confederate service up to that time. The famous Stonewall Brigade lost forty percent of its numbers to the muskets of the 2nd Wisconsin and 19th Indiana. Other Confederate regiments suffered a similar fate. 25
The Confederates were impressed with the determination of their opponents. Jackson wrote of the "obstinate resistance" of the enemy while the commander of the Stonewall Division, William B. Taliaferro, reported: "The enemy, although reinforced, never once attempted to advance upon our position, but withstood with great determination the terrible fire which our lines poured upon them." William Allan, in his History of the Army of Northern Virginia, complimented the performance of Gibbon's brigade: "Subjected to a sudden shelling, as they were moving in column in the road, and then, when sent to drive off a supposed cavalry party, finding themselves face to face with a large and well-posted force, these troops behaved with a coolness and determination rarely surpassed." 26
Much credit for the behavior of Gibbon's brigade has to be given to the 2nd Wisconsin which made the initial advance and fought the Stonewall Brigade unaided for about fifteen minutes. But such exposure resulted in a staggering number of casualties. Entering the fight with an effective force of 430, the regiment lost 274 in killed, wounded and missing, nearly two-thirds of the total. The casualties included a large number of valuable leaders—the colonel, the major, six other officers, the sergeant major, sixteen sergeants and thirty-four corporals. Probably the greatest loss of
all was the death of Colonel O'Connor which was felt by every man in the regiment. Lieutenant Colonel Fairchild wrote to O'Connor's father of the esteem shown the dead officer by the survivors: "Edgar was a fine officer and no man can fill his place in the 2d. The men speak of him with tears in their eyes and wish they had their 'little Colonel' back again." 27
Other letters spoke of the death of cherished relatives and friends. Anson Linscott, drum major of the 2nd Wisconsin, found it his solemn duty to write home to his parents concerning the death of his brother. "Archa was shot through the neck. I was in the rear of the regiment, with the ambulances, taking care of the wounded. I saw him fall but we could not save him; he died in a few minutes. Poor brother, it is hard, but it is true. . . . Poor Archa was shot through the wind pipe and lived only a few minutes. It is hard father, but it cannot be helped. Archa took care of me when I was sick." Young Linscott dejectedly ended his letter with his signature and the following line: "Drum Major 2d Reg't Wis. Vol.—what is left of them." 28
Still unaware of the extent of the casualties in his brigade, John Gibbon rejoined his battered regiments late in the morning of August 29th. His journey had taken him to Centerville where he had conferred with his army commander, General John Pope. A conversation with Pope convinced him that the division had made a serious error in retreating from the battlefield near the Brawner farm. After persuading Pope of the necessity for reinforcements, he led the Fifth Corps of the Army of the
Potomac to Manassas junction where he resumed command of his Westerners. 29
The regimental adjutants had spent the morning compiling their casualty reports and gathered around Gibbon to deliver them. Having been awake for at least thirty hours and under considerable strain during nearly the whole period, Gibbon listened quietly. The reports were overwhelming—more than forty percent of the command had been shot in about an hour and a half. About 750 of the 1,800 men in the brigade were lying dead on the field or in crude field hospitals along the Warrenton Turnpike and at Manassas or were simply unaccounted for. It was too much to bear. "General John Gibbon, in speaking of his losses, fought against an unsteady voice and welling tears, but they mastered him, and his cheeks were wet and his voice was so full of tremble that he put his begrimed face in his hands and cried. 'My brave boys, it is too bad,' said Gibbon, as he straightened up in his saddle and rode away." 30
Footnotes
- John Gibbon, Personal Recollections of the Civil War (Dayton: Morningside Press, 1978), pp. 47-50.
- Gibbon, Recollections, p. 50; J. H. Brunemer, "The Battle of Gainesville," Samuel Monteith Papers, Wisconsin State Historical Society.
- Gibbon, Recollections, p. 51.
- Alan T. Nolan, The Iron Brigade
(New York: The Macmillan Co., 1961), pp. 9-12, 51-54; The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the
Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (Washington: Government Printing
Office, 1880-1801), Series I, Vol. XII, pt. II, pp. 377-378. (Cited hereinafter as Official
Records)
- Official Records, Series I, Vol. XII, pt. II, pp. 378, 381; G. M.
Woodward to General Charles King, May 3, 1913, Robert Hughes Papers, Wisconsin State
Historical Society.
- Gibbon, Recollections, p. 52; James H. Stine, History of
the Army of the Potomac (Washington: The Gibson Co., 1893), p. 129.
- Stine, Army of the Potomac, pp. 129-130; Gibbon, Recollections,
p. 52; William H. Harries, "Gainesville, Virginia, Aug. 28, 1862," Glimpses
of the Nation's Struggle (Minneapolis: Aug. Davis Publishers, 1909), IV, 165; Charles
King, "Gainesville, 1862," War Papers, Wisconsin Commandery, Military Order
of the Loyal Legion of the United States (Milwaukee: Burdick and Allen, 1903), 111,
272.
- Woodward to King, May 3, 1913.
- Official Records, Series I, Vol. XII, pt. II, p. 661.
- Sheldon Judson to T. C. H. Smith, October 1, 1877, T. C. H. Smith
MSS, Ohio Historical Society.
- Official Records, Series I, Vol. XIII, pt. II, p. 378; Rufus
R. Dawes, "Skirmishes of the Rappahannock and Battle of Gainesville," T. C. H.
Smith MSS, Ohio Historical Society.
- Stine, Army of the Potomac, pp. 131-132.
- Alton J. Murray, South Georgia Rebels (Jacksonville: Allied
Printing Co., 1976), pp. 77-78; Grant County (Wisconsin) Herald, September
11, 1862, p. 2.
- Nathaniel Rollins MS Diary, Wisconsin State Historical Society;
Sheldon Judson to T. C. H. Smith, October 1, 1877; Frank A. Haskell to Brothers and
Sisters, September 22, 1862, Frank A. Haskell MSS, Wisconsin State Historical Society.
- Nolan, Iron Brigade, p. 91; Brunemer,
"Gainesville;" Milwaukee Sunday Telegraph, November 30, 1884, p. 3.
- Rufus R. Dawes,Service With
the Sixth Wisconsin Volunteers(Dayton: Morningside Press, 1984), p. 62; George
Fairfield MS Diary, Wisconsin State Historical Society; Official Records, Series I,
Vol. XII, pt. II, p. 369.
- Nolan, Iron Brigade, p. 91.
- Milwaukee Sentinel, October 9, 1862, p. 1; Wisconsin State
Journal, October 4, 1862, p. 2.
- Milwaukee Sentinel, September 6, 1862, p. 1; Wisconsin
State Register, September 13, 1862, p. 2; Wisconsin State Journal, September
17, 1862, p. 2.
- Milwaukee Sunday Telegraph, August 28, 1897, p. 1.
- Nolan, Iron Brigade, p. 95; Dawes, Sixth Wisconsin, p.
64.
- Nathaniel Rollins MS Diary.
- King, "Gainesville," pp. 277-278.
- Harries, "Gainesville," p. 166.
- Murray, South Georgia Rebels, p. 78; Isaac R. Trimble,
"General I. R. Trimble's Report of Operations of His Brigade from 14th to 29th of
August, 1862," Southern Historical Society
Papers, VIII, 308.
- Official Records, Series I, Vol. XII, pt. pp. 645, 657; William
Allan, The Army of Northern Virginia in 1862 (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin Co., 1892),
p. 234.
- Wisconsin State Journal, September 10, 1862; p. 2; September
17, 1862, p. 2.
- Wisconsin State Register, September 13, 1862, p. 2.
- Gibbon, Recollections, pp. 58-59.
- Gibbon, Recollections, p. 55; Official Records, Series
I, Vol. XII, pt. II, p. 378; Milwaukee Sunday Telegraph, March 22, 1885, p. 6.
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